Housing supply needs and challenges for a diverse seniors population in Canada

2.1 Seniors or older adults

The terms ‘seniors’ or ‘older adults’ refer to a particular segment of the population above a specific age, who may face different challenges due to mental, physical, and cognitive abilities. Generally, in Canada, the terms ‘seniors’ and ‘older adults’ refer to adults aged 65 years and older, which is the standard age at which Canadians can begin receiving their pension and the threshold used in most existing research. However, it is necessary to acknowledge that the term ‘senior’ may be considered restrictive or out-dated and is therefore only used in sections of this report to reflect direct quotations or when appropriate according to accepted names of housing model typologies (Beaulieu and St-Martin, 2023). The statistical analysis will utilize the term ‘older adults’ to describe adults aged 55 years and over, which also allows for analysis of pre-seniors and differentiation of trends by age group.

2.2 Core housing need

Core housing need is a measure used by Statistics Canada, to describe if a private household meets at least 1 of the 3 indicators for inadequate, unaffordable, or unsuitable housing, and would have to spend 30% or more of before-tax household income on the median shelter cost in their community to access adequate housing (Statistics Canada, 2021). It is important to note that core housing need is only assessed for private households. It excludes persons who are unsheltered or living in emergency shelters or transitional housing, living on farms, living in collective dwellings, are in student-led non-family households (aged 15 to 29), and private households who are living in dwellings provided by the local government, First Nation, or Indian band on a reserve. This means that up to half of older adults who are in housing need – those who are homeless, in collective dwellings, or on farms – are not included in the census definition of core housing need (Whitzman, 2023). Additionally, critical elements of adequate housing (accessibility, location, cultural adequacy) are not included in current measures of core housing need by Statistics Canada.

2.3 Suitable housing

Suitable housing is defined as housing which has enough bedrooms according to the household size and composition, as outlined in the National Occupancy Standard (NOS) which was “created in the mid-1980s by the federal, provincial and territorial governments” (Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 2022a).

2.4 Affordable housing

Affordable housing is defined as housing which costs up to 30% of total before-tax household income.

2.5 Adequate housing

According to Statistics Canada, adequate housing is defined as housing that does not require major repairs, as reported by the resident.

This definition varies from the United Nations (UN) terminology. In 2019, the federal government committed to the progressive realization of the right to adequate housing. The UN defines ‘adequate housing’ as being affordable; with access to essential services such as water, heat, and cooling; in a suitable location; habitable; with security of tenure; accessible; and culturally adequate. Although the federal government has taken significant steps in fulfilling the National Housing Strategy, the federal government has not yet amended its definition of core housing need to reflect this progressive realization.

2.6 Subsidized housing

Subsidized housing is housing whose construction or operation receives a subsidy from a level of government. This includes non-market housing, owned by a level of government (public housing), a private non-profit organization (community housing) or a non-profit cooperative, as well as market housing with an affordability covenant. In some provinces, such as Alberta, subsidized housing may also be more commonly known as affordable housing.

2.7 Collective dwelling

Collective dwellings are “commercial, institutional, or communal” dwellings that “provide care or services or have certain common facilities,” such as rooming houses, hotels, motels, nursing homes, senior residences, hospitals, staff residences, military bases, or correctional facilities (Statistics Canada, 2021).

2.8 Aging in place

According to the FPT Seniors Forum (2016), “Aging in place means having the health and social supports and services you need to live safely and independently in your home or your community for as long as you wish and are able.”

2.9 Accessible housing

Accessible housing refers to the manner in which housing is designed, constructed, or modified (such as through repair/renovation/renewal or modification of a home), to enable independent living for persons with diverse abilities. Accessibility is achieved through design, but also by adding features that make a home more accessible, such as modified cabinetry, furniture, space, shelves and cupboards, or even electronic devices that improve the overall ability to function in a home (Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 2022b).

2.10 Supportive housing, transitional housing and assisted living

Supportive housing and transitional housing refer to housing with on-site supports. A few examples of eligible support services include medical case management, counselling, supervision/monitoring, assistance with medication, meal services, personal care, housekeeping, and other forms of support that help people to live independently and remain stably housed. Some supportive housing is transitional, intended to bridge the gap between homelessness and permanent housing, for limited time periods of between 3 months and 3 years. The form of supportive or transitional housing or assisted living and their corresponding services may differ by province and territory. For example, in British Columbia, assisted living is distinct from supportive housing primarily in terms of the service provider. In British Columbia, assisted living has on-site supports with activities of daily living (ADL) and medication assistance, with services provided directly by an operator or through a contract with the operator (Government of British Columbia, 2023a). On the other hand, supportive housing in British Columbia refers to housing where clients organize their own support services, which are not provided directly or indirectly by the operator (Government of British Columbia, 2023b).

2.11 Long-term care

Long-term care (LTC) refers to a diversity of medical and socio-health support services for individuals with chronic or long-term health conditions. This can include:

• nursing homes
• purpose-built supportive housing or care provided in private homes
• residential care facilities

Long-term care is contrasted with acute care in hospitals, intended for shorter-term health conditions. The specific form or services associated with long-term care may differ across Canada. For example, in Ontario, LTC homes are differentiated from other types of homes for older adults primarily because LTC homes are funded by the government and, therefore, a public-sector responsibility. LTC homes in Ontario have a wide range of services, including “help with most or all daily activities, access to 24-hour nursing and personal care” and are generally for residents needing more complex care (Government of Ontario, 2021).

3.1 Housing policy responses to an aging society

The demographic trend of population aging resulting in an exponentially growing older adult cohort is a well-documented phenomenon. However, there is a tendency in both academic research and institutional policy to refer to older adults (particularly those aged 65 years and older) as an aggregate homogenous group, irrespective of:

• gender
• ethnic background
• sexual orientation
• health status
• income categories
• geography
• housing type
• age bracket

This oversight fails to capture the unique intersectional experiences of older adults aging in Canada, and risks perpetuating policy prescriptions that do not serve diverse older adults in housing need.

The evolution of policy approaches towards housing older adults in Canada has not kept up with demographic realities. In the 1960s and 1970s, the dominant approach was the “construction of institutions and purpose-built seniors’ housing” and was mainly focused on low-income older adults with less significant health concerns (Pastalan, 2014, 25). A substantial proportion of this housing was publicly developed by provincial or territorial governments, in partnership with the federal government (August, 2021). The assumption was that the life course journey of older adults would be one-way, from living in private dwellings, then moving to purpose-built seniors housing for a brief period until needing more urgent care in a nursing home or hospital (Pastalan, 2014, 25).

The second approach to housing older Canadians emerged in the late 1970s and emphasized the importance of choice, in response to the diversity and longevity of older adults in Canada which “made it more difficult to promote a single model of shelter as the ideal for all” (Pastalan, 2014, 26). This included additions or alternatives to privately owned homes, such as garden suites or homesharing (Pastalan, 2014). While this was primarily a market sector response, there were some non-market housing cooperatives developed by and for older adults (Pahwa et al., 2022).

In the 1980s, the concept of aging in place emerged in light of how “the homes seniors were being asked to stay in were not adequate,” especially in terms of home adaptations for older adults living with disabilities (Pastalan, 2014, 30). In this period, the federal government introduced funds specifically for older adults to make home adaptations in private dwellings in response to the fact that “many of the social housing units that were built for seniors in the 1960s and 1970s were bachelor (studio) units”,and may not meet the needs of existing aging or incoming tenants (Pastalan, 2014, 31). Some provinces introduced similar home adaptation initiatives, such as the Ontario Home Renewal Program for Disabled People (OHRP-D), while other provinces (British Columbia, Manitoba, and Ontario) invested in publicly funded home care programs.

Considering the growing prevalence of older adults with chronic health conditions in Canada, Wister and Gutman define a fourth approach to housing older Canadians which is still materializing. It concerns the interaction of dwelling and care services in both public and private homes (Pastalan, 2014, 32). Wister and Gutman describe how often, “publicly-funded home care in Canada has tended to be tied to the person rather than the project,” and efficient provision of at-home care to older adults in all forms of public or private housing will require “blending of traditional boundaries and barriers between government ministries of health, housing, and social services” (Pastalan, 2014, 32).

3.2 Older adults experiencing or at risk of homelessness

Reliable data on the estimated 235,000 people across Canada who experience homelessness at some point every year is difficult to find (Dionne et al., 2023). The census does not include people who are unsheltered or in emergency shelters or transitional housing in Canada, but biennial Point-in-Time (PiT) Counts do provide a one-night snapshot in 87 of the more than 700 municipalities in Canada with populations of over 5,000 people. According to the most recent round of PiT Counts, which took place between 2020 and 2022 (with many delayed because of COVID), about 5% of those enumerated were over the age of 65. Based on a total count of 35,000, this would total to approximately 1,750 older adults aged 65 years and older unsheltered or in emergency shelters or transitional housing, however this number is likely higher since PiT Counts do not include hidden homelessness (Infrastructure Canada, 2023, 10). Homeless older adults often have greater health and psychosocial needs and are often too ‘difficult’ for chronic care, and too infirm for mainstream shelters and supportive housing. Thus, they end up in acute care settings (Humphries and Canham, 2021).

3.3 Older adults in collective dwellings

As of 2021, over 6% (434,510) of adults aged 65 years and older live in collective dwellings, compared to over a quarter (27% or 237,865) of adults aged 85+ (Statistics Canada, 2022d). A little less than 66,000 people live in residential care settings for people with disabilities, 83% of whom are over 65 years of age (Live Work Well, 2021). There is little statistical information on the extent to which residents are in unaffordable settings or rooms that are overcrowded or in poor repair. August (2021) found significantly increased risk of COVID-related deaths in Ontario between seniors’ housing that were for-profit (such as financialized housing or Real Estate Investment Trusts [REITs], as compared to not-for-profit housing, which was more likely to prioritize the security and quality of life for residents.

3.4 Security of tenure

Data on tenure security that is broken down by age is rare in Canada. Generally, tenants have less tenure security than homeowners with mortgages, who in turn have less tenure security than those without mortgages. Living in non-market housing is a protective factor against ‘no fault’ evictions (Xuereb and Jones, 2023). Leviten-Reid et al. (2024) found that the Canada Housing Benefit (a one-time federal financial aid intended to help low-income renters in 2023) in some cases worsened tenure security, including amongst senior renter households, by moving them off non-market housing waiting lists and into market homes that were in poor repair. The benefit in many cases was less generous than previous rent supplements, which covered the entire difference between an affordable rent and the market rent asked by the landlord (Government of Canada, 2023).

3.5 Location

Although it is not included in current Canadian government measures of housing needs, the inclusion of location is critical to the definition of adequate housing and for housing needs of older adults. The international approach to the human right to adequate housing includes location, recognizing the importance of employment opportunities, health-care services, educational facilities, and environmental concerns (Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2021). Specifically, the concept of “aging in place” has gained traction as the preferred means by which older adults can continue “to live in the same home or community safely, independently, and comfortably” over time (Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 2024). Aging in place is the preferred choice for 85% of Canadians of all ages, and this only increases with age as 96% of Canadians aged 65 years and older would prefer to age in place (National Institute on Ageing, 2021).

The capacity to age in place requires access to services and supports, from health care services, community centres, shops, nearby parks, libraries to public transit that would enable older adults to continue living independently, safely and successfully (Bigonnesse et al., 2014; Bigonnesse and Chaudhury, 2019; Bigonnesse and Chaudhury, 2022; Fang et al., 2016; Sixsmith et al., 2017).

3.6 Accessibility

The experiences of older adults who have difficulties with activities of daily living focused on:

• community participation and social inclusion (Elias, 2020; Elias and Cook, 2016; Raymond et al., 2014; Reimer-Kirkham et al., 2020)
• health risk, disease, or injury prevention (Hebert, 2010; Hogan et al., 1999; Javdan et al., 2023; Lilly et al., 2012; Liu-Ambrose et al., 2015; Mills et al., 2023)
• housing choices to accommodate existing or potential loss of ability (Dupuis-Blanchard, Bigonnesse, et al., 2021; Roy et al., 2018)

The increasing likelihood of older adults in Canada to be facing multiple chronic health conditions as they age, has significant implications for the type of care (especially at-home care) needed for older adults to avoid being at risk of becoming socially isolated (Hebert, 2010; Reimer-Kirkham et al., 2020). A study of community participation and social inclusion of differently abled older adults in Québec found that “self-determination, creating an inclusive environment and identity” altogether create the conditions for active and meaningful participation of older adults within their environments (Raymond et al., 2014, 50). In parallel, a survey of mostly senior tenants living in an intentional community housing model which “provides integrated support services to a mixed community of adults with physical, developmental and mental health needs” found that “many reported improved self-perceived health, made new friends and arranged to attend social events together” (Elias, 2020, 172-181).

For older adults who have difficulties with activities of daily living and facing potentially diminished autonomy, the complex decisions regarding residential mobility focus on “housing desires and the care they need to remain independent” (Roy et al., 2018, 23). A study of frail seniors living in Québec who relocated to supportive or congregate housing found that important factors that influenced relocation “were loss of social support networks, described as difficulties accessing services and death of a partner/primary caregiver, as well as a sudden change in health status in the self or partner” (Dupuis-Blanchard, Bigonnesse, et al., 2021, 257).

3.7 Non-Indigenous cultural adequacy

Existing literature which describes the aging experiences of older adults in Canada, mainly disaggregates by ethnicity, immigration status or cultural background. These findings are hugely important towards better understanding the specific cultural needs related to housing challenges of diverse older adults which may not be included in census survey data, such as the role of language and faith systems.

Older adults who are members of a racialized group or are immigrants to Canada “bring with them a unique set of residential experiences,” including “distinct understandings of ‘home’ and ‘community,” which in turn inform the context for developing culturally-appropriate housing, as they are impacted by the “cultural beliefs and ideologies that shape preferences for certain family forms and the priority of family relationships” (Mahmood et al., 2008, 55-70). For example, community support networks of immigrant or ethnoculturally diverse older adults in Canada were shown to be a crucial factor in determining the quality of aging in place experiences. For Chinese and Korean older adults in Vancouver, British Columbia, the decision to age in one’s neighbourhood was dependent either on the presence of local amenities (for Chinese seniors) or the proximity to faith-based organizations (for Korean seniors), which altogether provide invaluable social services and support (Hwang, 2008).

The impact of language barriers on access to healthcare or services and its relationship to social isolation or health outcomes was also explored for older adults who are immigrants or refugees, who identify as First Nations, or who are Canadian Francophone (Cheuk et al., 2007; Dupuis-Blanchard et al., 2015; Johnson et al., 2021; Møller et al., 2023; Sethi, 2016; Zhu and Zhang, 2019). A study of senior recipients of Old Age Security (OAS) (a monthly federal payment for adults aged 65+) in Canada found that between 1996 and 2011, the rate of OAS uptake for older adults aged 65+ who spoke neither English nor French was 15% lower than the OAS uptake for older adults who spoke English, and 17% lower than the OAS uptake for older adults who spoke French, thereby increasing the likelihood that older adults facing language barriers have less financial freedom regarding housing choices (Curtis et al., 2017).

Finally, most research discussing older adults aging in relation to gender, sex, or marital status, tends to assume a heterosexual relationship, which is not representative of all older adults. As such, a sub-set of research describing aging experiences in Canada explores the relationship between older adults’ sexual orientation and their housing choices, wherein some non-heterosexual older adults in Canada make the active choice to age out of place in “LGBT naturally occurring retirement communities or LGBT-focused housing complexes” (Gambold, 2022, 1). However, the ability to intentionally age in 2SLGBTQI+ inclusive housing models may be out of reach (for financial reasons or otherwise) for some older adults, who then have to turn to those available housing models for older adults which may not utilize an inclusive approach. In these situations, there is an unfortunate possibility of 2SLGBTQI+ older adults feeling “the need to hide their sexual orientation to prevent rejection, ostracization, and neglect from both staff and residents” (Sussman et al., 2018, 122). A study of LGBT inclusivity strategies in the Canadian LTC home sector found that common strategies “focus on raised awareness for staff through the provision of one-time or ongoing training” (Sussman et al., 2018, 129). These findings highlight the importance of utilizing a diversity, equity, and inclusion (DE&I) lens, considering how a potential lack of culturally appropriate housing options may perpetuate marginalization or discrimination in housing or health care experiences, or even lead to obscuring one’s LGBT identity (Redden et al., 2023).

Altogether, this research describing the unique challenges faced by ethnoculturally diverse older adults, older adults who are immigrants, and older adults identify as 2SLGBTQI+, stresses the need for culturally appropriate housing which recognizes how successful aging in place may take different forms accordingly.

3.8 Cultural adequacy for Indigenous older adults

The literature review yielded a smaller but nonetheless significant amount of research characterizing the unique aging experiences of older adults identifying as Indigenous in Canada, reinforcing the foundational work of Thistle (2017) on cultural adequacy for Indigenous people in relation to housing and homelessness.

Indigenous older adults are “particularly impacted by the housing shortage and may have difficulty finding culturally appropriate, barrier-free housing,” with the literature review finding 2 main concerns. Firstly, existing barriers at the local community level, a lack of appropriate services or health systems, and incompatible government policies create situations where “some Elders may choose not to access medical care for fear that they will lose their housing if they leave the community” or where people may leave their community “for services and work, leaving them without community care networks” (Habjan et al., 2012; The Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, 2021, 39-41; Native Women’s Association of Canada, 2020, 72).

Secondly, Indigenous older adults in northern Canada are more likely to be living in multi-generational or overcrowded households, potentially due to:

• financial constraints
• a lack of suitable housing options
• younger family members moving in
• reciprocal care relationships, among other reasons

As of 2021, adults aged 65+ who identify as Indigenous are at higher risk of living in overcrowded homes, compared to non-Indigenous older adults. In Nunavut, Indigenous adults aged 65+ are over 4 times more likely to live in overcrowded homes than non-Indigenous adults aged 65+ (37% versus 63%), followed by the Northwest Territories (12% versus 5%), and the Yukon (4% versus 2%) (Statistics Canada, 2022m). Engagement with Indigenous older adults in northern Canada revealed that at times, overcrowded housing conditions have been linked to risk of financial abuse or intimidation, which may be exacerbated by lower incomes, health concerns or difficulties with activities of daily living, and social isolation or loneliness (Government of Northwest Territories, 2014; Government of Northwest Territories, 2023; Government of Nunavut, 2017; Government of Nunavut, 2024; Moffitt and Timpson, 2015; Native Women’s Association of Canada, 2020). In some cases, these overcrowded housing situations for Indigenous older adults may be linked to poorer quality of life as they age, for which there is often no recourse. However, it is necessary to acknowledge that multi-generational households which may also be overcrowded are not necessarily a precursor for poorer quality of life for Indigenous older adults. “Grandparents play an important role in raising children and passing on traditional values, knowledge and teachings to younger generations,” and “living in multigenerational household may be a family’s solution to housing issues in their community, such as affordability or housing shortages” (Statistics Canada, 2022j, 5).

3.9 Housing needs of older adults in rural, remote and northern settings

While much of the existing literature defaults to concerns for older adults living in urban areas, the experiences of older adults living in rural and remote areas of Canada comprised a notable sub-set of the existing literature. Most of the literature describing older adults living in rural areas in Canada employs the definition provided by Statistics Canada for ‘rural areas’: areas having less than 1,000 people and fewer than 400 persons per square kilometer (Charbonneau et al., 2022).

The discussion of older adults living in rural or remote communities in Canada has evolved from focusing on employment in agricultural work, followed by a broader focus on “older adults’ work, retirement, and leisure,” and more recently towards a discussion of health in terms of “restructuring, availability, and utilization of rural services” (Keating et al., 2011, 330). The more recent focus on access or adaptations to health care concerns the “consolidation of health services to urban centers” and corresponding shortage of rural doctors (Bacsu, Jeffery, Novik, et al., 2014, 145). The overall shift in expanding aging in place conceptually to encompass the diverse settings in which older adults are aging in place is also reflected in the adaptation from the World Health Organization’s global age-friendly cities guide towards an age-friendly rural and remote communities guide (Gallagher et al., 2009).

In rural or remote communities, health care service distribution and availability for the aging population is a huge concern, especially for those communities that have lost the driving economic industry and where out-migration of non-seniors outpaces the number of seniors over time (referred to as ‘resource frontier aging’) (Hanlon and Halseth, 2005).

A particular concern regarding the healthcare delivery for older adults in rural communities, is the lack of reliable transportation options for both the health care deliverer (of at-home care) and recipient (to access health services outside the home). In tandem with health access inequities caused by geographic distance to service locations, “seniors living in rural and remote areas are much less likely to have access to a range of public and other types of transport” (Gallagher et al., 2009, 14; Johnson et al., 2018). This lack of transportation options is especially notable as “studies show that older adults living in rural areas have high rates of chronic diseases” and “may not be receiving the care they need in a timely manner” (Krasniuk and Crizzle, 2023, 1-8). Similarly, research of remote communities in Canada has found “disparities of access to healthcare services for those living in northern and remote areas of the country,” in terms of the range of specialized services available, the “challenges of recruitment and retention” of healthcare workers, and limited or no internet access thereby restricting potential capacity of telemedicine (Gillespie, 2023, 208-209).

Additionally, the existing quality of public transportation or mobility networks may not meet accessibility needs of older adults, leading to older adults relying more on private transportation options. In rural areas of Québec, having a driving license was associated with higher social participation, and a review of seniors living in rural areas in Canada found that defining factors for age-friendly communities in rural areas are walking trails, overcoming barriers to walkability, improving wheelchair accessibility, and transportation options to move in the community (Hallman et al., 2008; Levasseur et al., 2015).

Finally, recent research on elements of the built environment that were especially relevant for older adults aging in rural areas of Canada include “physical infrastructure and natural environments such as weather, terrain, amenity and aesthetics” which can impact “older adults’ opportunities and capabilities” (Winterton et al., 2015, 323). For older adults living in climate vulnerable rural and/or coastal communities, they are likely to face challenges related to the natural environment and extreme weather events, necessitating critical planning and safeguards to protect residents (Rapaport et al., 2015).

Overall, the literature review findings on the experiences of older adults aging in rural, remote and northern settings emphasize the difficulties faced by older adults who are aging in private homes which are further away from necessary medical and socio-health services, not only in terms of geographic distance but also the socioeconomic distance created by limited Internet access to telemedicine services. With this in mind, the housing models which would enable successful aging in place for older adults in rural, remote and northern settings require different approaches compared to those intended for older adults in urban settings. For example, programs which focus on integrated at-home healthcare and social service delivery to older adults living in private homes in rural areas would lessen the challenge of accessing year-round reliable transportation to obtain medical and social care when the need arises, which may not be as large a concern for older adults in urban areas. An example of this approach is the Integrated Health and Social Care (IHSC) approach in rural Alberta, which successfully tested the complementary collaboration of various healthcare organizations with social service organizations to deliver care services to older adults (Cheng and Catallo, 2023).

Similar to the challenges of healthcare service delivery and access which are exacerbated by geographic distance in rural, remote, and northern settings, the capacity to successfully realize housing adaptations which support aging in place or general climate resiliency is made less viable due to inflated construction material costs or labour and supply shortage. In these situations, older adults living in rural, remote, and northern settings may benefit from housing adaptation programs which directly provide more on-site construction and financial resources, as opposed to programs which place the responsibility of locating labour and materials onto the homeowner or tenant and potentially reduce uptake.

3.10 Experiences of older adults in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemic

Public health restrictions enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic which limited family visitation had huge impacts on the mental health of residents living in long-term care facilities and their family members (Dupuis-Blanchard, Maillet, et al., 2021). Comparatively, older adults living in Canadian cohousing communities or Naturally Occurring Retirement Communities (NORCs) benefitted from existing social infrastructure, shared spaces and social connectivity programs, which positively impacted mental well-being during periods of lockdown (Garcia Diaz et al., 2023; Weeks et al., 2022).

In addition, the relationship between the socioeconomic status of older adults and loneliness during the pandemic also emerged. “Immigrant and refugee seniors are especially vulnerable to the social, physical, and psychological issues from the pandemic” and the likelihood of social isolation was exacerbated by the inter-related factors of “racism, discrimination, language barriers, weak social networks, and separation from friends and family” (Johnson et al., 2021). Research of Muslim older immigrants in Edmonton and their experiences during the pandemic highlighted the significance of community hubs (such as mosques) in combating loneliness through provision of social connection and supports (Rehmani et al., 2023). Similarly, research of seniors’ participation in community programs in New Brunswick over the duration of the pandemic found that continued engagement in regular art sessions resulted in reduced loneliness and depression, and increased quality of social interactions (Watson et al., 2023).

Although the income characteristics of older adults during the pandemic was not largely discussed in the literature, the effect of federal relief benefits (such as the Canada Emergency Response Benefit or CERB) were largely felt by older adults. “Canadians aged 65 and older (92%) and aged 20 to 24 (88%) were the most likely to receive benefits from pandemic relief programs” (Zhang and Bernard, 2022). The financial aid provided by CERB temporarily lifted low-income households out of housing need at the time of the 2021 Census of Population. Over 90% of older adults aged 65+ “received top-ups to existing federal programs,” and the median amount received in 2020 was $604 for senior women compared to $584 for senior men (Statistics Canada, 2022h). In Canada, the bottom decile of senior households (65+) experienced an increase of over 340% in median incomes from 2019 to 2020. This effect was most notable for the bottom decile of senior households in Prince Edward Island ($790 to $8,000), Saskatchewan ($710 to $6,950), in Nova Scotia ($830 to $6,120) and the Yukon (from $600 to $1,100) (Statistics Canada, 2022g). Although this immediate increase of incomes for older adults and low-income households was certainly useful in the pandemic context, an unintended consequence of temporarily lifting low-income households out of prior income thresholds meant that these households could potentially be ineligible for other temporary social assistance programs or social housing criteria (Burke, 2023; Tabbara, 2022). This was addressed differently across Canada. “British Columbia, the Northwest Territories and Yukon fully exempted CERB payments, meaning people did not lose their social assistance benefits,” however “Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario and Québec partially exempted the CERB benefits, meaning benefits from CERB were taken into account when calculating benefit levels for social assistance” (Tabbara, 2022). Altogether, the changes experienced by older adults regarding their total income status due to receiving pandemic benefits and social assistance benefits between the 2016 and 2021 census periods should be considered when developing income-based targeted policy or programming, since the 2021 Census of Population indicators may likely undercount the number of older adults in core housing need.

3.11 Conclusion

To address the housing needs of older adults, analysis of core housing need data is vital. But the needs of older adults excluded from current housing need data collected by the census (particularly those experiencing homelessness, those in collective dwellings, and those on farms) must be considered as well. In line with Canada’s human rights obligations, understandings of housing need must expand beyond affordability and habitability to include security of tenure, accessibility, location, and its relation to aging in place, and cultural adequacy. Cultural adequacy includes how best to meet the need of new migrant, racialized persons, Indigenous, and 2SLGBTQI+ older adults in housing policy. The literature review reminds us that housing is not simply a dwelling, but is part of communities, both urban and rural, that must become more accommodating of the diverse housing needs of older adults.

4.1 Age

Every province and territory experienced an increase in their internal proportions of adults aged 65+ from 2006 to 2021, to higher or lesser degrees (as described in Table 6). Although Ontario has the highest share in the national distribution of older adults aged 65+, the provincial proportion increased from 13% in 2006 to 18% in 2021 (Statistics Canada, 2006a; Statistics Canada, 2021a). Comparatively, although the Atlantic provinces have a smaller share of the national distribution of older adults aged 65+, their respective provincial proportions experienced some of the highest increases in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2006a; Statistics Canada, 2021a). In Newfoundland and Labrador, the proportion of adults aged 65+ increased from 14% in 2006 to 24% in 2021 (70,265 to 120,610), while in New Brunswick, the proportion of adults aged 65+ increased from 15% to 23% (107,635 to 177,160) (Statistics Canada, 2006a; Statistics Canada, 2021a). Québec also experienced a significant increase in whole numbers and as a proportion, by 673,240 persons aged 65+ or from 14% of the province to 21% (Statistics Canada, 2006a; Statistics Canada, 2021a).

4.2 Marital status

Based on the longer life expectancy of women versus men, it is possible to infer that older women are more likely to be living alone independently or in long-term care dwellings in later life (Galbraith et al., 2019). This may result in older women “more likely to report being lonely than older men (23% versus 15%)” and increasing to 27% for older women during the pandemic (Statistics Canada, 2023d). This may also be reflective of the fact that women aged 65+ generally outnumber men aged 65+ (54% versus 46% in 2021 respectively) (Statistics Canada, 2022f).

As of 2021, 66% of men aged 65+ were married, compared to 46% of women aged 65+, and only 9% of men aged 65+ were widowed, compared to almost 31% of women aged 65+ (Statistics Canada, 2022f). There is even greater disparity in adults aged 85 years and older, with 30% of men aged 85+ who are widowed, compared to 69% of women (Statistics Canada, 2022f).

4.3 Racialized older adults

Older adults are an increasing proportion of the racialized population in Canada. In nearly all provinces and territories, the growth of racialized older adults has far outpaced that of the general older adult population (Statistics Canada, 2006c; Statistics Canada, 2022o). Between 2006 and 2021 in Ontario and British Columbia, the number of racialized older adults grew at about 3 and 2 times the rate of the general older adult population, respectively (Statistics Canada, 2006c; Statistics Canada, 2022o). This was even more pronounced in Saskatchewan and Manitoba, where the number of racialized older adults grew at over 6 times and nearly 5 times the rate of the general older adult population, respectively (Statistics Canada, 2006c; Statistics Canada, 2022o).

4.4 Indigeneity

As of 2021 in Canada, “the Indigenous population was 8.2 years younger, on average, than the non-Indigenous population” (Statistics Canada, 2022k). It is important to note that research on Indigenous older adults in Canada tends to define older Indigenous people as those aged 55 and older, due to inequities in “life expectancy and the onset of diseases associated with growing older” (Nelson and Rosenberg, 2022, 274; Wilson et al., 2011; Wilson and Cardwell, 2012). As such, the congruence of health status, trends in chronic health conditions, and Indigeneity may result in Indigenous older people reporting “chronic illness and functional limitations at earlier ages than non-Indigenous people in Canada” and require commensurate flexible definitions or forms of aging in place (Nelson and Rosenberg, 2022, 274).

As of 2021, nearly 21% of the Indigenous population are aged 55 years and older, and nearly 1 in 6 are now aged 65 years and older (Statistics Canada, 2023e; Statistics Canada, 2022k). Among Canadian older adults aged 65 years and older, Indigenous people aged 65 and older comprise 2.6%, and Indigenous people aged 55 and older make up a little over 3%. As of 2021, Ontario had the largest Indigenous older adult (aged 65+) population (42,255 or about 2% of the provinces’ population aged 65+), followed by Québec (31,365 or 2% the provinces’ population aged 65+), and British Columbia (28,865 or 3% of the provinces’ population aged 65+) (Statistics Canada, 2023e). Indigenous older adults predominate in Nunavut (1,280 or 81% of the population aged 65+), followed by the Northwest Territories (1,935 or 50% of the population aged 65+), and the Yukon (880 or 15% of the population aged 65+) (Statistics Canada, 2023e).

4.5 Immigration status and place of birth

As of 2021, about 30% (1,971,010) of older adults (65+) in Canada are immigrants (Statistics Canada, 2022n). The highest provincial proportions of older adults who are immigrants are in Ontario where 43% (1,089,710) of older adults are immigrants, followed by British Columbia, where 40% (386,835) of older adults are immigrants (Statistics Canada, 2022n). Half of all recently arrived immigrant adults aged 65+ (55,505) in Canada (between 2016 and 2021) are in Ontario (27,395), followed by 17% (9,325) in British Columbia, 15% in Alberta (8,370), and 13% (7,075) in Québec (Statistics Canada, 2022n). In all the provinces and territories, most immigrant adults aged 65+ arrived before 1980, with the highest proportion in New Brunswick (70% or 5,865) and in the Yukon (70% or 760) (Statistics Canada, 2022n).

4.6 Language ability

From 2006 to 2021, the proportion of older adults aged 65 years and over in Canada who cannot speak either official language (English or French) has stayed consistently below 5% (Statistics Canada, 2023c; Statistics Canada; 2006b). However, there are marked differences by province and territory. As of 2021, the largest proportion of older adults (65+) who had no knowledge of English or French is in Nunavut with 18% (285), followed by British Columbia with 8% (72,810) and Ontario with 7% (167,410) (Statistics Canada, 2023c). Of those older adults who speak neither English nor French, women outnumber men in every province and territory (Statistics Canada, 2023c).

4.7 Dwelling type

As of 2021, 94% of older adults lived in private dwellings and 6% lived in collective dwellings. From 2006 to 2021, older adults aged 65+ were more likely to live in private dwellings across Canada, with about 95% of men and 92% of women living in private dwellings as of 2021 (Statistics Canada, 2022b). Québec can be considered an outlier with 9% in collective dwellings, or 6% of men aged 65+ and 13% of women aged 65+(Statistics Canada, 2022b). For older adults aged 85+ in Canada, the proportions change considerably with only 80% of men and 67% of women living in private dwellings as of 2021 (Statistics Canada, 2022b). Québec stands out again, with only 71% of men aged 85+ and 57% of women aged 85+ living in private dwellings as of 2021 (Statistics Canada, 2022b). Overall, women comprise 54% of adults aged 65+ in Canada, and this proportion increases with age, reaching 63% of Canadian adults aged 85+. A potential explanation for the significant difference in the proportion of men and women aged 85+ who are living in private dwellings is the differing life expectancy for men and women: women consistently have a longer life expectancy at birth than men in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2023f).

In Canada, 41% of older adults in collective dwellings live in nursing homes and 36% live in residences for senior citizens (Statistics Canada, 2022d). The proportion of men and women aged 65+ in collective dwellings who are living in nursing homes is highest in Nova Scotia (64% of men and 71% of women), followed by Saskatchewan (58% of men and 57% of women) (Statistics Canada, 2022d). Similarly, the proportion of men and women aged 65+ in collective dwellings who are living in residences for senior citizens is highest in Québec, with 45% of men and 47% of women (Statistics Canada, 2022d).

The majority of older adults living in private dwellings are in single detached dwellings (60%), with 63% of men aged 65+ and 56% of women aged 65+ as of 2021. This trend continues for adults aged 85 years and over (52%), with 56% of men and 48% of women living in private dwellings that are single detached dwellings (Statistics Canada, 2022c). With the increasing likelihood of older adults to be facing multiple chronic health conditions, the overwhelming number of older adults in private homes points to the need for flexible aging in place policy approaches which can meet the accessibility and service needs of those who prefer to stay independently in single-detached dwellings, or to incentivize downsizing to smaller, affordable and accessible homes which maintain older adults’ self-determination.

4.8 Income characteristics

As of 2021, income composition for men aged 65+ in Canada show that 20% is made up of employment income, compared to 12% for women aged 65+ (Statistics Canada, 2022e). Meanwhile, 14% of income for men aged 65+ comes from the Old Age Security (OAS) pension and Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) (a monthly payment to adults aged 65+ based on low-income OAS recipients), compared to 22% for women aged 65+ (Statistics Canada, 2022e). In Canada, the average total income (adjusted for inflation) for men aged 65+ was $54,700 (2020 dollars) in 2021 and $54,450 in 2016 (2015 dollars), compared to $38,520 in 2021 and $35,240 in 2016 for women aged 65+ (Statistics Canada, 2022e). The gender disparity in income composition aligns with data trends on the gender differences in the average age of retirement: women consistently have a younger average age of retirement (61 years in 2006, 63 years in 2022) compared to the average age of retirement for men increasing from 62 years in 2006 to 65 years in 2022 (Statistics Canada, 2024a). From 2016 to 2021, men aged 65+ in Alberta experienced the greatest decrease in average income, from $72,100 to $62,050 or about 14%, while women in New Brunswick aged 65+ experienced the greatest increase in average income from $26,360 to $31,680 or 20% (Statistics Canada, 2022e).

4.9 Tenure and income category

As of 2021, primary household maintainers^{Footnote 1} aged 65 years and older in the Northwest Territories have the highest annual household income at $127,000 while Alberta has the highest among the provinces, at $96,000 (Statistics Canada, 2023a). In the Northwest Territories, this may be due to the fact that adults aged 65+ receive the highest average amount in government transfers ($19,680 in 2021), compared to $17,840 for all of Canada (Statistics Canada, 2022e). Comparatively, in Alberta the average age of retirement has historically (1976 to 2013) trended above the national average consistently, and as of 2021, adults aged 65+ in Alberta have the highest average income from market sources (66% versus 61% in Canada) (Statistics Canada, 2022e). This suggests that older adults in Alberta are more likely to have an extended period of time earning income compared to other provinces.

For older adults who own a home with a mortgage, high-income households are the majority in all the provinces and territories, with the exception of Québec, where nearly 83% of older adults who are homeowners with a mortgage are classified as low-income (Statistics Canada, 2023a). For older adults who are renters in subsidized housing, the largest proportion are mostly low-income households, with 91% of older adults who are renting subsidized housing in Québec classified as low-income (Statistics Canada, 2023a). The largest income category for older adults who are renting un-subsidized housing is generally low-income, and once again Québec has the highest proportion, with 92% of older adults renting un-subsidized rental housing classified as low-income (Statistics Canada, 2023a).

5.1 British Columbia

5.2 Alberta

5.3 Saskatchewan

5.4 Manitoba

5.5 Ontario

5.6 Québec

5.7 Nova Scotia

5.8 Prince Edward Island

5.9 New Brunswick

5.10 Newfoundland and Labrador

6.1 Population aged 55 years and over

Drawing upon 5 projection scenarios devised by Statistics Canada to describe the population aged 55 years and older from 2021 to 2041, all the provinces and territories are expected to see an increase in the number of adults aged 55+ over the next 20 years, as described in Table 5 (Statistics Canada, 2022i).

However, Table 5 shows that when looking at the projected population aged 55+ as a proportion of the provincial population from 2021 to 2041, all provinces and territories except Saskatchewan show an expected increase. In Saskatchewan, the proportion of the population aged 55+ is expected to decrease from 29.36% to 29.13%. Although Nunavut and the Yukon (about 5% and little over 4% respectively) show the highest expected increase in the percentage proportion of adults aged 55+, this is reflective of smaller numbers indicating a more dramatic change over time.

Out of the provinces, the Atlantic provinces are expected to see significant proportional increase in the population aged 55+. Newfoundland and Labrador is expected to experience the highest change, from 205,2000 adults aged 55+ in 2021 to 227,300 in 2041, or nearly 44% of the provincial population. The second highest change is in Prince Edward Island, from 56,500 in 2021 to 72,900 in 2041, or about 38% of the provincial population.

Table 5: Medium growth projection scenario for adults aged 55+, 2021 to 2041

6.2 Population aged 55 to 64 years

In all 5 projection scenarios, from 2021 to 2041, the number of adults aged 55 to 64 years is expected to decrease (from largest to smallest) in Québec, Ontario, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Labrador, New Brunswick, and the Northwest Territories. This decrease is most significant in Nova Scotia where the proportion of adults aged 55 to 64 years is expected to decrease from over 15% of the population to under 12% (154,500 to 125,300 according to the medium-growth scenario).

On the other hand, the number of adults aged 55 to 64 years is expected to increase between 2021 and 2041 (from largest to smallest) in Alberta, British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Nunavut, the Yukon, and Prince Edward Island. Although the number of adults in this age group may be increasing however, the provincial proportion is expected to decrease. This is particularly notable in British Columbia, which expects to see the proportion of adults aged 55 to 64 years drop from 14% to less than 12% of the population, despite increasing by 43,300 persons (according to the medium-growth scenario shown in Table 12). In Alberta, the projected increase is evenly distributed between men and women aged 55 to 64 years, however this is especially significant for men since the largest number of men in core housing need in Alberta were aged 55 to 64 years. In British Columbia and Prince Edward Island, women are expected to outnumber men slightly, while in Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Nunavut, and the Northwest Territories, the opposite holds true.

6.3 Population aged 65 to 84 years

In all 5 projection scenarios, the number of adults aged 65 to 84 years is expected to increase from 2021 to 2041 in all provinces and territories. As expected, the most significant increases (according to the medium-growth scenario shown in Table 13) are in Ontario (by 1,154,500 people or from 16% to over 18% of the province), British Columbia (by 407,000 people or from 17% to 20% of the province), Québec (by 398,700 people or from about 18% to 20% of the province), and Alberta (by 383,100 people or from 13% to 15% of the province). In all the provinces and territories, women aged 65 to 84 years are expected to outnumber men aged 65 to 84 years.

However, in the Atlantic provinces, the proportion of adults aged 65 to 84 years is expected to comprise a significant share of the provincial population. In Newfoundland and Labrador, the proportion of adults aged 65 to 84 years is expected to increase to over1 quarter of the provincial population (109,600 to 131,000). The second highest expected proportion of adults aged 65 to 84 years is in New Brunswick, from 20% in 2021 to 23% in 2041 (157,900 to 190,600), followed by Nova Scotia with 19% in 2021 to 22% in 2041 (192,600 to 234,500), then Prince Edward Island with 18% in 2021 and 21% in 2041 (29,700 to 40,200).

It is also highly likely that this age group of adults aged 65 to 84 years will be aging in private dwellings. As of 2021, nearly all adults aged 65 to 84 years in the Atlantic provinces were living in private dwellings: 98% (187,785) in Nova Scotia, 97% (28,260) in Prince Edward Island, 96% (107,120) in Newfoundland and Labrador, and 96% (152,540) in New Brunswick (Statistics Canada, 2022d).

6.4 Population aged 85 years and over

The projected increase in the number of adults aged 85+ warrants particular consideration as this group experiences a higher rate of core housing need and their housing conditions and needs will evolve correspondingly. The number of adults aged 85 years and over is expected to increase in all provinces and territories from 2021 to 2041, with a particularly sharp incline from 2031 onwards. As expected, the largest increases (according to the medium-growth scenario shown in Table 14) are in Ontario (by 451,100 persons), Québec (by 270,100 persons), British Columbia (by 201.400 persons) and Alberta (by 123,700 persons). However, the proportion of adults aged 85+ are expected to increase most significantly in Newfoundland and Labrador (from 2% to almost 6% of the population), in New Brunswick (from 2% to 6% of the population) and in Nova Scotia (from 2% to 5% of the population). The impact of this proportional increase in the number of the oldest-old or adults aged 85+ is particularly significant given that as of 2021, at least three-quarters of adults aged 85+ in the Atlantic provinces are aging in private dwellings. In Prince Edward Island, 80% (18,450) of adults aged 85+ are living in private dwellings, followed by Newfoundland and Labrador with 75% (7,620), and 74% (14,115) in New Brunswick (Statistics Canada, 2022d).

In all the provinces and territories, women aged 85+ are expected to outnumber men aged 85+ at a much higher ratio than the prior 2 age groups. This disparity is highest in Prince Edward Island, where 63% of adults aged 85+ are expected to be women by 2041. The second highest disparity is in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, where 61% of adults aged 85+ are expected to be women, respectively.

Within Newfoundland and Labrador and Alberta, the number of men and women aged 85 years and older is expected to nearly triple from 2021 to 2041. Meanwhile, in Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and British Columbia, the number of men and women aged 85 years and older is expected to more than double from 2021 to 2041.