Aboriginal Women and Family Violence – Detailed findings

Detailed Findings

Male Violence Against Aboriginal Women

Incidence and Severity of Violence against Women in Aboriginal Communities

Respondents identified intimate partner violence as a major problem facing Aboriginal women. Focus group participants described abuse as verbal and physical, sometimes having severe emotional and physical effects and sometimes causing death.

First responders typically deal with multiple acts of violence in any given month, with estimates ranging from a few to more than 300, depending on the size of the community.

Several women made a point of saying that violence can go both ways.

Some participants see violence against women as having dissipated somewhat in recent years. This decrease may be reflective of gradually shifting attitudes about the acceptability of such abuse. Other participants suggest that, while abuse continues, abusers may now take greater care to conceal it.

The Victims and the Perpetrators: Common Characteristics

First responders point to a few factors that are often shared by women victims of intimate partner violence. Many come from violent homes and low self-esteem is thought to be a common characteristic of these women. Many have substance abuse histories, although substance abuse may be more the result of the violence than a preceding factor. Foetal alcohol syndrome among women victims of violence was also mentioned.

Low education levels, poverty and being of a young age are also thought to characterize women victims - although first responders are also quick to point out that there are many exceptions. Others said that victims include women from all levels of education and income and all ages.

First responders also identified many of these characteristics for male perpetrators. Substance abuse problems, in particular, are almost universally considered to be a characteristic of abusive men. A domineering attitude toward women is also common. Finally, a lack of self-esteem (seen to stem from the loss of traditional roles and identity, and sometimes from direct or indirect experience with the residential school system) was mentioned as a characteristic of abusers.

Of course male violence against women does exist outside Aboriginal communities. However, a series of important characteristics that contribute to this type of violence exist in higher proportions within Aboriginal communities, including poverty and its correlates (limited education, substance abuse) and the "legacy impact" that residential schools have had on traditional gender roles and family structure across generations. Each of these adds a layer to the likelihood of Aboriginal women experiencing intimate partner abuse.^{Footnote 1}

Drivers for Male Violence against Aboriginal Women

Most focus group participants felt that among the main drivers of (or factors that explain) male violence against Aboriginal women, alcohol and drug abuse rank very highly.

First responders said that, in the long term, substance abuse contributes to other problems such as the breakdown of the family and an increase in poverty, which in turn feed back into the cycle of violence. In those communities in which access to alcohol is controlled, occasional bingeing is more problematic.

Poverty itself is also seen as a contributing factor. First responders explained that this is not only because of the inherent difficulty of living in poverty but also because of the complexities involved when men are unable - or in some cases unwilling - to provide for their families and take advantage of women who are able to hold down jobs.

Violence may also be nurtured, in part, by the economic insecurity of men and the lack of financial independence among women. Focus group participants explained that these factors can lead to disputes over finances and how to deal with poverty. They can also promote insecurity and low self-esteem on the part of the victim and abuser, as does the frustration resulting from the boredom and monotony associated with being unemployed in a small community.

Participants echoed the perception of first responders that loss of the traditional way of life (and identity) is also a contributing factor. This loss is seen to be exacerbated by the related erosion of the traditional role of the male within the community and household, and the legacy of residential schools. Both the abuser and the victim may have attended, or had parents who attended, residential schools where abuse took place.

On the matter of residential schools, there seems to be some difference of opinion between first responders and women who took part in the focus groups. Some first responders point to the residential school experience as a contributing factor to intimate partner violence, but this was not generally considered to be a major problem, at least for current generations. They felt that the residential school experience may, however, have contributed to the poor parenting skills of the victims and perpetrators of intimate partner violence. Focus group participants were much more likely to stress the impact of the residential school experience on the victims and perpetrators of male violence against women. They believe the residential school system has had ripple effects on family structure and parenting skills across decades, while first responders were less likely to directly link male violence against women with residential school experience.

A lack of parenting skills can also contribute to violence. Participants suggest that abusers may have had a violent upbringing by parents who were poorly equipped for the job; as a result these men grew up with a faulty understanding of the impact of violence on their own children.

Participants think that violence is a learned behaviour: both the victim and/or the perpetrator, having grown up in violent homes, learned to associate violence with love. For them, violence may be seen as normal, perhaps even inevitable and unpreventable.

According to first responders, intergenerational experience with family violence goes hand-in-hand with poor parenting skills and poor relationship skills in contributing to male violence against Aboriginal women.

Community indifference, reinforced by sexist attitudes about women's role in precipitating acts of violence, can be a further contributing factor. Some first responders think it is less a matter of sexist attitudes than simple resignation to what appears to be an irresolvable issue.

Some first responders were reluctant to ascribe significance to such contributing factors, suggesting instead that there is no excuse for the behaviour and that a stereotypical attitude of male dominance is at the root of the problem.

So first responders and the women they assist may have different perceptions of the issue of male violence. In other words, the women and their communities may be less able to view the issue with clarity or resolve, having yet to fully come to believe that male violence against women is inexcusable.

The Impact Of Male Violence Against Aboriginal Women

When Violence Occurs

Focus group participants said that, in the short term, women often turn to family and friends, particularly on reserves and in small Northern settlements where other resources may not exist. Other women may leave the community on their own, with the help of the police, family and friends, and/or a crisis centre worker. Temporary assistance and accommodation can be found at crisis centres and shelters in some communities, and these resources can provide a needed sense of safety, albeit only temporarily.

In the longer term, the women frequently return to the relationship and the home, following a "cooling off period" that is characterized by a temporary shift of power in the relationship (also known as a cyclical "honeymoon" period). According to focus group participants, there are many factors that may lead a woman back to an abusive relationship, including distance from extended family, children and friends; lack of financial resources or job and life skills to enable her to cope outside her home community; and, often, simply a profound sense of loneliness.

First responders point out that available supports and services are certainly not accessed every time women experience an act of violence against them. Instead the resources may be used as a last resort.

Barriers to Reporting Violence

Aboriginal women face a wide variety of obstacles - psychological, social and logistic - to reporting acts of violence against them and in seeking help and legal recourse. Focus group participants said that when violence occurs, it must be very severe - often nearly fatal - before the woman will report it to the police or leave the home. First responders agree that often by the time women call the police, they have suffered a series of incidents of escalating violence culminating in what is often a severe beating.

Reporting is compromised by distance from police and support resources, by what is often a poor relationship with the police, and by fear of reprisals. The fear of reprisal is a significant barrier for any woman considering reporting an act of violence to the authorities. Acts of reprisal, or the threat of them, may come from not only the abusive husband but also from members of his family; these relatives often exert pressure on the woman to leave the incident unreported and to return to the relationship.

First responders also expressed an appreciation of the concern about reprisals.

Few participants were aware that laws and policies exist in most provinces to allow police to lay charges in cases of intimate partner violence without the consent of the victim. Moreover, many felt that the police were unsympathetic, ineffectual and sometimes cynical about the often-recurrent cycles of male violence against women and the apparent reluctance of some women to help themselves by reporting the matter, pressing charges or leaving. Focus group participants suggest that police may tire of women who seem unwilling or unable to help themselves.

There seems to be a kind of vicious circle at play here: these perceptions mean that many women have little faith in the efficacy of reporting an act of violence to the authorities because they have little faith in the authorities' ability or willingness to act effectively. Furthermore, allegiance to and dependence on an abusive partner sometimes leads women to attempt to protect the partner from the legal consequences that police can set in motion.

Among the first responders, police confirmed the cycle of cynicism that other participants described. They agree that, after a while, cynicism does grow among their members, feeding into the belief that there is little they can do in the long term to fix the problem. Women's expectation of police cynicism may itself contribute to a distrust of police, and to a reluctance to seek assistance or follow the recommendations of the attending law enforcement officer - the very behaviours that in turn increase police cynicism.

Another barrier to reporting acts of violence is the fear of losing children to child welfare authorities when violence in the home is disclosed. Focus group participants explained that one cannot assume that friends or members of the extended family will be able to take in women and their children who wish to flee an abusive man.

Some first responders noted that, in the past, children were often removed from the home when police were called to respond to a violent incident, and although the approach has shifted in many communities - to keeping children with parents wherever possible - many still have this fear. Although first responders now strive to preserve and support family units as much as possible, they note a common perception among Aboriginal families, more or less historically justified, that losing children to social services is a distinct possibility following a report of violence, and that getting the children back may be very difficult.

Another significant barrier is, simply, shame.

The Impact on Women

Psychological, Physical and Social Impacts:

Not surprisingly, participants reported that violence negatively impacts on the victim's self-esteem and sense of security. They also felt that victims often blame themselves and conceal the violence from others as best they can to avoid the stigma that is attached to being a victim of intimate partner abuse. Some participants said that a "code of silence" prevents many victims from disclosing abuse outside the family unit. Turning to alcohol or drugs as an escape is seen to be a common coping mechanism.

Participants also described women's concern that their parenting is affected by the experience of violence. Women may feel that they have nothing left to give to their children emotionally or physically - after dealing with violence. Some participants said that women feel a huge sense of failure, betrayal and hurt when the children side with the abuser against them. A few participants said that the sense of failure is often accompanied by feelings of hopelessness when patterns of male violence and abuse emerge in subsequent generations, reflected in the behaviour patterns of both victims and perpetrators.

According to first responders, the impact of intimate partner violence on women is primarily felt in their physical and emotional health. Respondents generally rate these as the most serious consequences of violence. For some, the consequences for emotional and mental health radiate into other areas of their lives, impacting the ability to function normally at work, or in their role as parent, or within the community in general.

The impact on the woman's social relationships can also be quite serious.

Poverty Impacts:

Participants talked about women being trapped by their sense that violence in a relationship is normal and may represent love. They are also trapped by their lack of knowledge about options and access to information and resources to deal with the problem. Participants living on reserve were especially likely to indicate a poor understanding of what "healthy" relationships are and especially unlikely to have had access to relevant information and resources. Fear of the unknown can keep women from seeking help, as can fear of losing a home and income.

Some first responders suggest that the financial impact of violence can actually be less of an issue than it might at first appear, given the higher employment levels among Aboriginal women and the fact that, at least for First Nations women, housing can sometimes be provided by the Band. Nonetheless, most acknowledge that the potential financial consequences certainly play a part in determining Aboriginal women's reactions to male violence. This is of particular concern if the woman does not reside in her own community.

The Impact on Family Members

There is a clear sense that the impact of inter-parental violence on children is a serious consequence of such situations. In the short term, their school performance may fall and substance abuse can become an issue. Children are scared and scarred by the violence, and eventually violence becomes a behaviour that they themselves learn. This may be the most feared impact - that of children replicating the behaviours they have observed. One woman spoke of her dismay at seeing her child and the neighbourhood children playing "grown-ups" by pretending to stagger around drunk.

For first responders, the impact on the children is particularly egregious. In addition to the direct short-term impact on emotional and physical health, in the long-term, the future parenting and relationships skills of children are at stake.

Another consequence of the conflicts that stem from violence is tension between parents and children. Children's loyalties may be torn between their mother and father, and being taken from the family home to a shelter can lead them to inadvertently re- victimize the woman by blaming her for the situation.

The effects on other family members can also be serious. They may have to take in or financially support victims of violence and their children. The safety of extended family members may be compromised. Other family members, friends and even neighbours may be drawn into the conflict and seek to punish or protect the abuser. Some relationships with friends and extended family members come to be characterized by frustration when the victim refuses help.

First responders agree that the consequences are serious for the family unit as a whole. The breakdown in expectations and roles, the lack of trust and the soaring resentment involved in family violence can negatively affect generations of a family.

First responders also point to the complexity of family relationships in small communities, where abusers and victims are well known to all, and extended families can be drawn into conflicts. Privacy concerns are fundamental, with a general sense that in such small inter-related communities everyone knows everyone else's business.

The Impact on the Perpetrator

When asked about the male perpetrator, participants expressed the view that they had often been victims of violence themselves and that it was typically a learned behaviour. Some felt that, in the short term, the perpetrator often felt remorseful about the violence.

Focus group participants see police as reluctant to deal with or to remove the man from the scene or to charge him with an offence. Occasionally participants mentioned racist attitudes among police, including some Aboriginal officers. Some even speak of friendship and familial ties between police and abusers that compromise the objectivity with which victims are treated.

In response to a question about what usually happens to the abuser, first responders mentioned a variety of legal proceedings that can take place as a result of a victim reporting the violence. Legal sanctions can range from a night in jail to a sentence of several months or more, depending on the severity of the incident. In some communities, alternative treatment-based programs are an option for those who plead guilty. However, it is recognized that reporting is much less frequent than the violence itself and that many offences go unpunished. Treatment programs and jail terms are viewed by many as insufficiently punitive to discourage future violence, even if the offender is genuinely remorseful at the time.

Logistically, imposing consequences on the man can be very difficult in some communities, particularly in more isolated areas. For fly-in communities in the North, residents' access to the criminal justice system is often remote and infrequent. According to first responders, this can discourage victims from pursuing charges against the perpetrators because of the difficulty of physically reaching the courts and the length of time between the incident and any trial that ensues. In many cases, women victims of violence and their abusers return to the same home long before any legal repercussions are felt. Furthermore, the geographical obstacles to women obtaining legal representation can inflate the fear of reporting acts of violence and of losing custody of children. That is, it may take exponentially longer for a woman in such an isolated community to find a lawyer to help press charges or to regain custody after an incident.

On reserve, especially the smaller reserves, as well as in isolated Northern settlement communities, enforcement of restraining and other protective orders becomes very difficult. The perpetrator is often allowed to stay in the home while the women and children are forced to leave. Furthermore, the legal consequences are seen as insufficient and not in keeping with the severity or impact of the crime. This perception is likely derived from personal experience, word-of-mouth or an inadequate understanding of existing abuse related laws and legislation. Participants also suggested that victims of violence, or their families and friends, occasionally resort to vigilante justice, and that this might be more effective than the legal consequences.

Most first responders agree that it is usually the victim who moves out of the family home when violence occurs. Nonetheless, there are at least some communities in which the perpetrator is encouraged to leave, particularly when legal proceedings are instigated.

Within the larger community, however, participants said that there is little responsibility or accountability assigned to the perpetrator. People are aware of the violence but "tend to their own business."

Among first responders, there was a clear view that the community sanctioned the violence to some extent. First responders suggest that in many Aboriginal communities, male violence against women is seen by some as an unpleasant but inevitable aspect of the relationship between a man and a woman. Some stated that even Band Council leaders are not universally innocent. In terms of community sanctions, there has been little for the abuser to fear.

However, first responders also point to encouraging signs that attitudes are shifting within their communities. Violence against women is gradually becoming less socially acceptable, and community leaders are beginning to favour educational initiatives that spread this message. Nonetheless, currently, little stigma is attached to the man as an abuser.

Existing Resources

For Victims and Their Children

Knowledge of support services and resources was lower among women who live on reserve, and there was a sense that there was not a wealth of available resources (with the exception of Val-d'Or).

Nonetheless, participants were able to list a variety of resources for women victims of intimate partner violence. A number of participants had personal experience with these resources and some spoke approvingly of the way they were treated and the support and security they were given.

The most commonly cited resources were:

• transition houses, women's shelters or crisis centres (municipal, non-profit or associated with a church); and
• crisis hotlines.

Services provided by such facilities include:

• temporary accommodation and assistance with longer-term housing;
• financial assistance;
• counselling services for victims and children;
• life skills courses;
• security and safety;
• drug and alcohol treatment and counselling (although there was uncertainty about the adequacy and allocation of these services);
• exposure to and companionship with other victims; and
• transportation.

Some participants decried what they feel is a tendency to refer them from program to program without any longer-term solution.

First responders also described some resources specifically designed to deal with intimate partner abuse, such as special courts that deal only with incidents of family or intimate partner violence. Programs that work hand-in-hand with such courts often allow perpetrators to receive help prior to sentencing.

In some places, a special Aboriginal constable has been able to develop a good relationship with the community over time. This relationship allows for a higher level of comfort in dealing with the police.

Most first responders thought that these services were accessed by women victims of male violence much of the time, when they actually choose to seek help or report the incident. However, the frequency with which women choose not to report acts of violence means that these services are probably underutilized in relation to the actual incidence. On the other hand, it is important to note that the demands on these services are often at or over capacity. Should the many unreported incidents and unmet needs be reported, they could further overwhelm existing resources.

For the Perpetrator

Knowledge of resources for abusive men was low among focus group participants. Many felt that the men are reluctant to seek help, for reasons that include:

• a low sense of accountability or responsibility for acts of violence;
• a need to be seen to control the family;
• implications for the family and his personal reputation;
• expected financial impact;
• concern for privacy;
• inability to express personal thoughts and feelings with others;
• distance from resources; and
• lack of resources, particularly outside the criminal justice system.

Focus group participants felt that men would change their abusive behaviour patterns only if the consequences of their acts were severe (e.g., losing the family or receiving criminal charges and imprisonment).

For those men who do wish to change, participants recommended accessing support groups, education and counselling services. However, participants suspect that men only agree to participate in these programs when faced with a court order, not because of a sincere desire to change.

Information on Support Resources

Participants said that the main sources of information on support resources are:

• posters in health facilities or elsewhere in the community;
• "word-of-mouth";
• the telephone book; and
• brochures or pamphlets.

As mentioned above, reference to web-based resources was almost non-existent.

First responders said that a primary channel for information should be the schools. Stopping the inter-generational cycle of violence by educating children at a young age that violence against women is not acceptable is seen to be crucial.

Funding and Management of Resources for Aboriginal Women

Knowledge was mixed as to how the resources for victims of violence are managed. Many participants were aware that governments help fund the support services, although some expressed skepticism about government commitment to women's needs. Fewer understood that charities and fundraising also play a role.

Although it is important that Aboriginal people are involved in the creation and provision of services and resources to victims, participants also see professional expertise, empathy and direct personal experience as significant in terms of funding and management of resources.

Views on the management of resources were varied. Some focus group participants perceive a lack of transparency and accountability and suspect there may be problems of favouritism or corruption. Clearly, community leaders do not always enjoy the whole-hearted trust of all members of the community. Many participants believe that neutral, uninterested individuals should have control over managing resources. Few First Nations participants favoured placing funds directly into the hands of the Band Council, suggesting instead that a "third party" should administer the funds.

Gaps and Problems in Resources

Focus group participants believe there is a lack of resources in their communities. Many victims feel cut off or abandoned by their community, and a sense of loneliness resulting from leaving to seek help may drive them to return to the abusive situation. Participants mentioned the need for nearby accommodation for their children while the mothers are receiving counselling or other treatment off reserve.

Support services may only provide short-term accommodation, counselling and security, leaving women vulnerable in terms of ongoing support and physical safety. In some communities, services are offered only on a 9:00-5:00 basis or are located in a remote area and may therefore be inaccessible at the time abuse occurs.

In addition, the police (RCMP) may be hours away. Often they are also associated with racism; with favouring the perpetrator over the victim; and with simply not caring.

In some communities as well, available resources provide little follow-up or after-care, leaving victims without long-term support or an ongoing guarantee of safety. (Other focus group participants did note, however, that some centres provide a tracking service for several months to ensure that women are financially stable and that their children are all right.)

In some communities, available resources have limited admittance quotas. Focus group participants have found that women are occasionally turned away without receiving assistance.

As well, available resources often do not employ Aboriginal staff. Focus group participants suggest that non-native staff leave them feeling less comfortable than if they were able to deal with Aboriginal counsellors and social workers. This discomfort is caused by cultural and linguistic differences as well as a sense of displacement that accompanies their moving to an urban community.

First responders also acknowledge there is often a lack of Aboriginal staff, particularly among police officers, and this can be discouraging for Aboriginal women seeking help for this sensitive matter. They also note, however, that hiring Aboriginal staff in small communities may mean that the victims would be related to the staff, thereby compromising client privacy.

Some first responders point to the culture shock that some Aboriginal women experience when they leave their home community to seek help. This is often most acute for Inuit women from isolated communities in the North.

Crisis centre and counselling service staff may also include women who do not have first-hand experience with male violence. Participants have perceived judgement and a lack of sympathy among some women staff of crisis and counselling services. Some participants, on the other hand, praise the available resources that do employ culturally sensitive women who have themselves experienced male violence.

In addition, childcare and transportation services may be sporadically available or unreliable, so women who leave reserves or small rural communities to arrive on their own in the city may be at an increased risk, especially if they are hitchhiking or adjusting to life on the street. Among focus group participants from Prince George, this is considered to be a particularly important issue, given that region's proximity to the "Highway of Tears."^{Footnote 2}

First responders cite a similar variety of barriers to women accessing the resources available to them.

They also note that a lack of staff training can be a barrier for some potential clients who perceive inexperience at some service agencies.

According to participants, Band and community leaders are not adequately engaged in the issue of family violence generally. Lack of trust - in both service providers and other members of the community - is a major obstacle to women reporting and acting on abuse.

First responders working with First Nations women living on reserve also see the lack of involvement in dealing with the issue by the Band leaders and the rest of the community as problematic. The lack of engagement can lead women to believe that their community is not interested in the problem. However, others point to encouraging signs that the tide is turning, with Band leaders and community members becoming more aware that male violence against women is unacceptable.

Suggested Ways to Increase Reporting and Access to Services

Publicity and Awareness:

Many communities have already launched a variety of educational and awareness raising efforts to encourage women to report violence. Focus group participants suggested several methods by which awareness of resources can be increased and violence against women can be discouraged; for example, publicizing names of offenders, educating children about all forms of family violence, expanding available resources and changing funding allocations.

Education:

Among focus group participants, education is a particularly preferred means of interrupting the cycle of violence. It can involve teaching adults to respect each other within relationships, and training children to understand that violence is unacceptable. Providing opportunities for teenagers to socialize in a sober environment is also seen as potentially very helpful.

Most first responders also strongly support the call for better education about how to deal with this issue, both for the women victims of male violence and for the next generation. Many suggest educational initiatives in the schools that are attended by the children of women at risk, in order to prevent the development of a new generation of abusers and abused. Others think it is really an issue of community education, of teaching Aboriginal communities to be self-sufficient and to treat each other honourably.

Specialized Workshops and Programs:

According to first responders, a variety of initiatives are in place to encourage reporting and prevent violence against Aboriginal women. Some victim services centres conduct workshops to raise awareness and teach Aboriginal women how to deal with and prevent violence against them. Others have created special programs and courts to deal with violence against women.

Cultural Sensitivity Training:

According to focus group participants, existing resources, such as crisis centres, should be expanded to reflect more sensitivity to Aboriginal women.

Gender Balance in Community Influence:

Focus group participants also suggest that more opportunities should be provided for women to hold positions of influence within the community. For instance, men dominate First Nations Band Councils, and participants think that allowing First Nations women to participate in Band and community decision-making would help to prevent abuse.

Criminal Justice Consequences:

Some focus group participants raised the possibility of more punitive criminal justice measures. Enforcing sentences and "peace bonds" is seen to be particularly important; some women point out that men are frequently able to dismiss the seriousness of the problem because the criminal justice consequences are light.

A lack of consensus exists among first responders on the criminal justice aspect of this issue. Some suggest that harsher punishment from the courts is needed, but others believe that a more restorative and less punitive approach is called for. Sentencing circles, as a method of engaging the community and discussing the many issues, consequences and grievances related to interpersonal abuse, are considered by some to represent a particularly fruitful approach.

Funding:

Women who fear losing shelter and the financial ability to care for their children are less likely to report abuse. Providing funding for women to purchase goods and services and pay for housing is thought to be a particularly useful way to encourage them to report and act on incidents of violence. In addition to the logistical benefits of such funding, the psychological impact of knowing such a safety net exists would be extremely helpful.

First responders strongly suggest that insufficient financial resources constitute a significant part of perpetuating the problem. They call for increased numbers of crisis centres and services, and for having the justice system more closely focused on the problem. Ultimately, however, the consensus rests on the need to dramatically increase educational programs, both in communities and in schools, as the key to resolving the problem of male violence against Aboriginal women.